On Tue, Aug 25, 2009 at 5:59 PM, Ikarina wrote:
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Reformat bisa untuk apa saja

AREA magazine
02 June 2009

Klub sepakbola favorit saya – Arsenal – menurut para pendukungnya mempunyai pemain yang bagus dan sistem yang sangat menarik. Menonton mereka main merupakan satu hiburan dan inspirasi tersendiri. Tapi kok suka kalah yang tidak terduga? Pernah satu masa ia main 21 kali tanpa pernah dikalahkan. Itu prestasi yang besar. Tapi pada saat pertandingan yang penting tau-tau ia kalah 3-0, 4-1. Orang bingung harus diapakan. Pemainnya sudah bagus, pelatihnya bagus, fasilitas lapangannya terbaik. Muncullah pemikiran bahwa ‘ bentuk’nya kurang bagus. Ada istilah dalam sepakbola modern yaitu shape. Apa ia berat ditengah, berat didepan, apa ujung tombaknya lancip, dibelakangnya lebar, itu yang disebut bentuk. Orang bilang bentuk ini harus diubah. Lahirlah istilah reshape atau reformat. Bukan istilah baru, tapi biasanya dipakai dalam bidang lain.

Istilah reformat yang umum ada di dunia komputer. Komputer itu selalu akan rewel. Ada saja penyakit komputer itu. Suatu saat kalau komputer lambat sekali kita harus hapus file yang tidak kita perlukan. Kita bisa susun kembali supaya file yang masih diperlukan terkumpul di satu tempat, yang kosong terkumpul ditempat lain, itu yang disebut “defragmentasi”. Tapi kalau masih rewel juga, maka harus reformat. Yaitu seluruh hard disk computer dikembalikan menjadi polos seperti bayi baru lahir atau seperti computer baru keluar dari pabrik.

Berarti komputer yang sudah dipakai berbulan-bulan diganti oleh sesuatu yang baru dengan reformat.

Di film fiksi ilmiah [science fiction] sering ada orang yang di reformat dengan menghapus isi otaknya lalu diberi kekuatan baru seperti di film Watchmen, Wolverine, Terminator. Yang lebih seram, dalam kehidupan nyata juga ada, katanya, saya belum mengalami, orang dihapus ingatannya, terus dibuat lupa semuanya.

Suatu negara bisa direformat. Kalau semua partai cekcok orang minta di bubarkan, ganti seorang pemimpin yang totaliter, bereslah mulai dari bersih. Tapi setelah sekian lama pemimpinnya jadi tidak benar, jadi korup, jadi kacau. Yah, reformat kembali. Jadi dalam kehidupan banyak sekali hal yang direformat. Dan kalau benar melakukannya seperti komputer, reformat tidak berarti pengrusakan tetapi hanya penataan kembali. Namun jangan lupa dalam setiap penataan ada unsur-unsur yang mungkin tidak bisa dibawa dalam format baru. Kalau seseorang nakal dibawa ke sekolah yang keras lalu pikirannya menjadi benar kembali, memang itu bisa menjadi hal yang positif tapi mungkin juga dia menjadi kurang humor atau tidak semangat. Segala perbaikan ada korbannya.

Reformat itu mengandung unsur desperation, putus asa.

Pengertiannya reformat adalah mencari solusi yang radikal kalau solusi yang moderat sudah tidak ada. , Jim Carey dalam “Eternal sunshine of the spotless mind”. menjadi orang yang didalam hidupnya tidak ada keberhasilan, dari hari ke hari begitu, tidak ada orang yang suka sama dia. Dia dihantui oleh memori lama, kenangan-kenangan yang membuat dia tidak bisa lepas. Dalam film itu ada satu teknik dimana orang bisa pergi ke dokter jiwa dan dihilangkan ingatan-ingatan yang buruknya. Bahwa dia pernah ditinggalkan ibunya, dijahatin temannya, dihukum gurunya, dimainin sama bosnya, itu semua bisa dilupakan. Dia mulai dengan bersih. Hanya ada satu ganjelannya. Setiap hal yang dilupakan, juga menghapus hal-hal yang terjadi sekitarnya. Misalnya dia ingin lupakan guru yang jahat. Gurunya bisa dilupakan, tapi seluruh teman kelasnya juga hilang. Misalnya dia ingin menghilangkan ingatan seorang perempuan yang dia ketemu disuatu bar yang menipu dia. Perempuan itu bisa hilang dari ingatannya, tapi pengalaman dia di bar jadi hilang. Jadi kalau semua dihilangkan itu seperti hard disk yang dihapus maka dia harus diisi lagi, dilahirkan kembali. Tapi kalau sudah tua agak percuma juga.

http://suaramerdeka.com/smcetak/index.php?fuseaction=beritacetak.detailberitacetak&id_beritacetak=47405

15 Januari 2009
GAGASAN
Sang Motivator 

Pascareformasi, pemanfaatan media elektronik sebagai sarana penyalur informasi ke masyarakat terus meningkat kualitasnya. Sebenarnya tahun 1994 sudah muncul acara yang tidak biasa di SCTV yang  dibawakan oleh sosok dan kemasan yang juga tidak biasa. Dikatakan tidak biasa, karena sekian lama masyarakat dijejali acara yang dibawakan secara kaku dan berbau propaganda. 
Kalau pun interaktif dialog serba terskenario. Disampaikan dengan semangat “mohon petunjuk” dan gaya bahasa topeng di tengah suasana monoton dan terjebak pembodohan serta “hari-hari penuh omong kosong”.

Siaran ini menyelinap acara Perspektif oleh Wimar Witoelar yang tayang setiap Sabtu 18.00 dan dikemas dalam dialog interaktif dengan lontaran secara jernih, menggelitik namun bukan sebagai yang paling benar.  Pembawa acaranya “orang biasa”, gayanya jauh dari formalitas feodal namun tetap dalam kesantunan yang universal. Sosok penuh senyum ramah, terampil melontarkan pertanyaan cerdas cerdik sehingga sering mengusik syaraf tawa spontan. Bukan tertawa yang (seolah) sudah diberi aba-aba.

Pascareformasi, di tengah berjayanya provokator sebagai komunikator yang piawai mengolah kata semanis madu namun penuh bisa, hingga memanipulasi kebenaran menjadi banyak versi untuk mengadu domba putra putri Ibu Pertiwi, muncullah sosok-sosok yang berbeda. Metro TV menayangkan acara Kick Andy yang dibawakan Andy Noya danThe Golden Ways yang dibawakan Mario Teguh.

Kick Andy banyak mengangkat kisah luar biasa anak negeri yang selalu sarat pesan kerja keras, kerja cerdas, ulet, pantang menyerah, inovatif, kreatif dalam berkarya dan berprestasi. The Golden Ways mengajak orang menggunakan akal budi, kejujuran, hati nurani untuk meraih sukses sejati. Sebuah acara cerdas yang  melawan arus. 

Perspektif muncul di tengah arus deras ber”klompencapir”. Kick Andy dan The Golden Ways muncul di saat dominasi tayangan keglamoran, kepongahan dan semangat jalan pintas yang serba menyilaukan, walau penuh kepalsuan.

Kick Andy dan The Golden Ways tidak fasih apalagi obral bertutur dogma tapi sering justru lebih menyejukkan hati. Hal ini karena dibawakan orang pilihan hasil seleksi ketat dan lulus uji penggodokan. Kuat tersirat aura kasih, sikap tulus, ikhlas, sarat karya nyata terbaik bagi diri dan sesama. 

Dengan kemampuan komunikasinya yang bagus, mereka menjadi inspirator dan sang motivator bagi siapa saja yang mendengarkan ungkapan pesannya. Sangat menyentuh jiwa, menjernihkan pikiran untuk menggerakkan badan dan menyatukan langkah demi kemajuan peradaban bangsa Indonesia.

Purnomo Iman Santoso
Villa Aster II Blok G/10 Srondol, Semarang

It was June 21, 1970, and I was riding a taxi from Jakarta airport after completing a tour of the United States as a student leader. This was a program made available to Indonesian students by the Suharto government as Indonesia came out of isolation imposed by Sukarno. The streets were quiet and I asked the taxi driver why. He said in a neutral voice that Sukarno had just passed away. I was silent with mixed emotions. For four years our student movement had been urging Suharto to take charge of the country. Now Sukarno’s death made the process irrevocable. There was a feeling of passage, and in fact an anticlimax. Sukarno’s death was a low-key event; nobody talked about it, because Sukarno had disappeared ever since Suharto took over power in 1966. Nobody even knew where he was; it was not even clear where he died or how long he was critically ill. Suharto had never visited him in the five years since Sukarno effectively lost power, and the media never ran stories on him.

Suharto was the hero of the student movement as we started our political honeymoon. From 1966 to 1970 numerous seminars and rallies celebrated the new freedom. Little did we know that the democratic honeymoon would be short. Soon the New Order was introduced and democracy was subordinated to a system of power and control which would keep Suharto in power for three decades. Suharto’s New Order was, if not a police state certainly a policed one, with everything kept in check—political parties, religious (especially Islamic) groups, activists and dissidents, writers and artists.

I moved on to become a university lecturer with close contact with students, and supported a 1978 movement calling for the dismissal of Suharto. This landed me in political detention and came out subdued. But long practice in talking to people turned me into a television talk show host in 1993. The show was mild-mannered but clear in its values of free speech. We were banned in 1994, but that in fact rallied public support and we were swept by the wave of reform that finally brought Suharto down in 1998.

Suharto died on Jan. 27, 2008 in a circus atmosphere. For days before his death people milled around the hospital. Television crews jostled for camera space while news anchors played up the melodrama. It was like opera, with tragedy and comedy served up in equal parts. The tragedy of death, and the comedy of dignitaries past and present and sundry celebrities falling over themselves for a piece of the global spotlight.

Without doubt, the story of Suharto is grand opera: a village boy who grows up into an army general, then acquires absolute power in the wake of a mysterious communist coup and military counter-coup. Historians say those tumultuous days in the fall of 1965 sparked half a million murders, and that Suharto and his soldiers were responsible. We did not know about the massacres. If we heard about it, we refused to believe it. And if we believed it, we thought it was justified. It was kill or be killed when it came to the communists. You were either for them or against them. We chose freedom against communism. And we witnessed complete regime change.

There is no sense of regime change with Suharto’s death. He had been out of power, and practically out of sight, living quietly in a residential area in central Jakarta, for nearly 10 years. But he was not a forgotten man, when he should have been. That says much about who he was and what he stood for. Suharto was truly seen as the ‘Bapak Pembangunan’ (father of development) espousing a philosophy of economic development and a closed political system to support it—a model of governance that was once the rule in much of Asia. During his nearly 33 years in power, Suharto seemed to have forged a paternalistic pact with the people of Indonesia which went like this: I will build infrastructure, raise income levels, reduce poverty, battle disease and illiteracy and provide stability, and you will let me run the country as my personal fiefdom. Other leaders have made that same deal, but no one ever implemented it on such a large scale—Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous nation—for so long and with so much success. But the end result of failure is what counts.

Suharto was not forgotten for another reason: the attempts at political reform since he left have not produced tangible improvement in the daily lives of the people. Indonesia has been reborn as a young democracy, but because Suharto did not establish durable civic institutions, that democracy is messy enough for many Indonesians to pine for stability which Suharto’s New Order once ensured.

The post-Suharto lifting of press censorship revealed the bankruptcy of governance and a business system totally destroyed by cronyism and corruption. Movements to demand accountability from Suharto were started soon after he stepped down. However, attempts to bring Suharto to trial were thwarted. Efforts to find justice for students killed during the uprising in 1998—which forced Suharto to resign—seem to be forever hidden under the rug.

Suharto’s eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, who was a member of her father’s last cabinet, said after his death: “If he committed mistakes, we hope all are willing to forgive him.” But no one has the right to forgive Suharto other than his victims, and God. There needed to be some sort of reckoning for Suharto, not necessarily for the sake of justice or revenge, but because a young democracy like Indonesia needs to have a sense of what is right and what is wrong. Because Suharto did both good and evil, the distinction has been blurred. Yes, the economy grew during Suharto’s rule, but so did corruption and abuse of power.

Indonesia’s self-respect, and self-confidence, has been hurt as a result. More than anything else, that is Suharto’s legacy.

By: Wimar Witoelar

wimar@witoelar.com

With nineteen aircraft escorting the remains of former Indonesian president Soeharto to his luxurious final resting place in Central Java, he was laid to rest with full military honors. Does this end a major chapter in the history of Indonesia, a nation of 240 million people?

I remember the day President Sukarno died on June 21, 1971.  I was coming in from the airport from my first international flight.  It was very quiet on a hot Jakarta afternoon and there was a feeling of passage. Definitely a low-key event, nobody talked about it as Sukarno had disappeared from sight ever since Suharto took over power in 1966. Nobody knew where he was. Suharto never visited him and the media never ran stories on him. Sukarno, founder of the nation, President for life, revolutionary leader of the new emerging forces, just disappeared.

And I remember the day Suharto died on January 27, 2008. It was like a rebirth, a happening. The last days of Soeharto had a circus atmosphere, with people milling around the hospital and ten television channels jostling for camera space with on-camera talent hamming up the melodrama. I saw it as opera where tragedy and comedy are served in equal parts. The tragedy is the man’s passing away, because death is irrevocable and always sad. The comedy is in watching dignitaries past and present, movie stars and celebrities, all eager to show something to someone. It may be a show of loyalty to a man once responsible for their comfortable lives, a hope to share in the distribution of his assets, or just to share fifteen seconds of fame with a world class news magnet.

Without doubt, the story of Suharto is grand opera. Rising to power intuitively in the wake of a mysterious communist coup and military counter-coup, they say 500,000 murders escorted the military and Soeharto to power. We ordinary students did not know it at that time. If we heard something we refused to believe it. And if we believed it we thought it was justified. It was kill or be killed when it came to Communists. You were either for them or against them. We were defending freedom. And we, student activists of that day, chose freedom against communism. And we saw complete regime change.

There is no feeling of regime change with Suharto’s death. The smiling general was sent off by tearful sympathizers. The former first family was in tears. The immaculately groomed President Yudoyono looked every bit the political heir of the smiling general.

Ten years of attempted reform seem like a daydream. Attempts started in President Wahid’s term in 2000 to bring Suharto to trial were thwarted. Efforts to find justice for students killed during the uprising in 1998 – which forced Suharto to resign – seem to be forever hidden under the rug as Wahid fell from power after unsuccessful forays to bring New Order corruptors to trial.

The Suharto funeral had an eerie similarity to that of JFK in 1963, grand, solemn, historical, and impressive.  The difference was, this first family is much bigger than John Kennedy’s, and LBJ looked more detached from JFK than SBY is from Suharto.

As media orchestrated the grieving, President Yudoyono said in an emotional television address that Suharto had “some shortcomings, but nobody is perfect. As a big nation I invite us all to express sincere thanks and give our highest respect for all of his service to the nation and the country.” Soeharto’s high-profile daughter – a cabinet minister in Soeharto’s last government – Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana played her part to attract sympathy. “If he committed mistakes we hope all are willing to forgive him.”

But can anybody respond to her plea?  Does anybody have the right to forgive Suharto except God and his victims? The victims include families of the hundreds of thousands of people whose lives were destroyed and taken by Soeharto’s regime as well as gallant Indonesian military people who died in the execution of their duty. Less bloody but equally tragic are the millions of people living in poverty while billions of dollars were allegedly diverted to Soeharto’s family and cronies and funds managers.

President Soeharto ruled with authority and presided over an amazing record of economic development measured in aggregate terms, bringing Indonesia to the threshold of becoming an Asian tiger. But his authority turned to a dictatorship, as his New Order became a byword for corruption and human rights abuse. Outside Indonesia, people ponder the same question that has plagued the nation in the ten years Soeharto has been out of power.  Will he ever be tried for his atrocities and corruption?  Will the Indonesian nation be able to bring the Soeharto case to closure? The longer the public vacillates over putting Soeharto’s crimes on trial, the more the public shows its lack of resolution. And in the rare case where President Yudoyono showed resolve was when he recreated the image of Suharto as a national hero.

For most Indonesians the corruption aspect of Soeharto’s rule is the most clearly felt. But still there are excuses. In a television interview with Aljazeera, Professor Emil Salim who was a five-term cabinet minister under Soeharto said the amounts of money allegedly stolen by Soeharto “is nothing compared to the economic development he brought”. Salim and his fellow economists of the Soeharto era do not recognize that Soeharto’s economic development favored the Indonesian elite and foreign investors, while bringing only marginal benefits to the working people of Indonesia, not to mention the poor.

He was called the Father of Development by the sycophants of the New Order. True, economic development did great things in the mid 80s. But as he developed economically, he also developed his crony capitalism. This gave him confidence to turn against his loyal intellectuals as he left them for opportunists in his inner circle. Many good people turned against him then. But more remained apologists for the regime

Bringing Suharto to trial is not just a case of criminal and civil justice. It is important to give people a sense of what is right and what is wrong, which has been clouded by people straddling on the fence for so many years. People forget the atrocities because they were kept well hidden. But the damage to the nation’s confidence and self-respect is evident, and may well be the remaining legacy of Suharto’s rule